TY  - GEN
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
AU  - Stokanić, Dragana
PY  - 2018
UR  - http://ipir.ipisr.org.rs/handle/123456789/872
PB  - London : UCL Press
T2  - The Global Encyclopaedia of Informality Understanding Social and Cultural Complexity
T1  - Veza (Serbia)
EP  - 64
SP  - 58
VL  - 1
DO  - 10.2307/j.ctt20krxh9.10
ER  - 

@misc{
author = "Stanojević, Dragan and Stokanić, Dragana",
year = "2018",
publisher = "London : UCL Press",
journal = "The Global Encyclopaedia of Informality Understanding Social and Cultural Complexity",
title = "Veza (Serbia)",
pages = "64-58",
volume = "1",
doi = "10.2307/j.ctt20krxh9.10"
}

Stanojević, D.,& Stokanić, D.. (2018). Veza (Serbia). in The Global Encyclopaedia of Informality Understanding Social and Cultural Complexity
London : UCL Press., 1, 58-64.
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt20krxh9.10

Stanojević D, Stokanić D. Veza (Serbia). in The Global Encyclopaedia of Informality Understanding Social and Cultural Complexity. 2018;1:58-64.
doi:10.2307/j.ctt20krxh9.10 .

Stanojević, Dragan, Stokanić, Dragana, "Veza (Serbia)" in The Global Encyclopaedia of Informality Understanding Social and Cultural Complexity, 1 (2018):58-64,
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt20krxh9.10 . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
AU  - Gundogan, Dragana
AU  - Babović, Marija
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://ipir.ipisr.org.rs/handle/123456789/849
AB  - Main objective in this article is to describe in more details specific interlinkages
and exchange that is unfolding between political elite and entrepreneurs
as key actors that possess, manage and deploy economic resources in the private sector of the economy. The focus is on the specific mechanisms through which the exchange has been unfolding, as well as on the perception of the functionality of the exchange for the position and interests of both type of actors. The analysis is conducted using empirical findings from the qualitative, in-depth research on political clientelism and party patronage implemented in the spring 2015 upon sample of 55 representatives of political elite, 26 economic actors, 9 interlocking broker and 8 experts.
From the research, it is clear that economic actors have, to put it mildly, ambivalent attitude towards this way of functioning of the market. On the one hand, they feel all the risks they are exposed to: additional expenditure, unforeseen requirements, interference in their own personnel policy, uncertainty of their business in the long term, unfair competition, demand unpredictability etc. On the other hand, they take this play as given. When they think strategically, they rationally consider alternatives and cost-benefit relationship. Although the desire to get rid of the political embrace is present, the support that comes from that side represents at least a short-term guarantor of their position security. Political actors take this system as given to a certain extent and when describing the mechanisms of its functioning,
they do not question the system itself.
AB  - Glavni cilj ovog članka je da detaljnije opiše posebne veze i razmenu
između političke elite i preduzetnika kao ključnih aktera koji poseduju, razvijaju
i upravljaju ekonomskim resursima u privatnom sektoru privrede. Fokus je
na specifičnim mehanizmima kroz koje se razmena odvija, kao i na percepciji
funkcionalnosti razmene za pozicije i interese navedenih aktera. U radu je korišćena kvalitativna analiza empirijskih podataka, istraživanja o političkom klijentelizmu i partijske patronaže koje je sprovedeno proleća 2015. godine na uzorku od 55 predstavnika političke elite, 26 privrednih subjekata, 9 interlokera i 8 stručnjaka. Analize jasno pokazuju da ekonomski akteri imaju, blago rečeno, ambivalentan odnos prema trenutnom načinu funkcionisanja tržišta koje podrazumeva klijentelističe odnose. S jedne strane, oni osećaju sve rizike kojima su izloženi: dodatnim troškovima, nepredviđenim angažmanima, uplitanja u svoju kadrovsku politiku, neizvesnosti poslovanja na duži rok, nelojalnoj konkurenciji itd Sa druge strane, oni ova pravila prihvataju kao data. Kada strateški razmišljajju oni racionalno razmotraju alternative i odnos cene i dobiti. Iako je želјa da se oslobode političkog zagrlјaja prisutna, podrška koja dolazi sa te strane predstavlјa makar kratkoročno garant njihove sigurnosti. Politički akteri u velikoj meri ovakav sistem razmene prihvataju kao datost i kada opisuju mehanizme njegovog funkcionisanja, oni ne dovode u pitanje sam sistem.
PB  - Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Clientelistic relations between political elite and entrepreneurs in Serbia
T1  - Klijentelistički odnosi između političke elite i preduzetnika u Srbiji
EP  - 238
IS  - 2
SP  - 220
VL  - 58
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1602220S
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Stanojević, Dragan and Gundogan, Dragana and Babović, Marija",
year = "2016",
abstract = "Main objective in this article is to describe in more details specific interlinkages
and exchange that is unfolding between political elite and entrepreneurs
as key actors that possess, manage and deploy economic resources in the private sector of the economy. The focus is on the specific mechanisms through which the exchange has been unfolding, as well as on the perception of the functionality of the exchange for the position and interests of both type of actors. The analysis is conducted using empirical findings from the qualitative, in-depth research on political clientelism and party patronage implemented in the spring 2015 upon sample of 55 representatives of political elite, 26 economic actors, 9 interlocking broker and 8 experts.
From the research, it is clear that economic actors have, to put it mildly, ambivalent attitude towards this way of functioning of the market. On the one hand, they feel all the risks they are exposed to: additional expenditure, unforeseen requirements, interference in their own personnel policy, uncertainty of their business in the long term, unfair competition, demand unpredictability etc. On the other hand, they take this play as given. When they think strategically, they rationally consider alternatives and cost-benefit relationship. Although the desire to get rid of the political embrace is present, the support that comes from that side represents at least a short-term guarantor of their position security. Political actors take this system as given to a certain extent and when describing the mechanisms of its functioning,
they do not question the system itself., Glavni cilj ovog članka je da detaljnije opiše posebne veze i razmenu
između političke elite i preduzetnika kao ključnih aktera koji poseduju, razvijaju
i upravljaju ekonomskim resursima u privatnom sektoru privrede. Fokus je
na specifičnim mehanizmima kroz koje se razmena odvija, kao i na percepciji
funkcionalnosti razmene za pozicije i interese navedenih aktera. U radu je korišćena kvalitativna analiza empirijskih podataka, istraživanja o političkom klijentelizmu i partijske patronaže koje je sprovedeno proleća 2015. godine na uzorku od 55 predstavnika političke elite, 26 privrednih subjekata, 9 interlokera i 8 stručnjaka. Analize jasno pokazuju da ekonomski akteri imaju, blago rečeno, ambivalentan odnos prema trenutnom načinu funkcionisanja tržišta koje podrazumeva klijentelističe odnose. S jedne strane, oni osećaju sve rizike kojima su izloženi: dodatnim troškovima, nepredviđenim angažmanima, uplitanja u svoju kadrovsku politiku, neizvesnosti poslovanja na duži rok, nelojalnoj konkurenciji itd Sa druge strane, oni ova pravila prihvataju kao data. Kada strateški razmišljajju oni racionalno razmotraju alternative i odnos cene i dobiti. Iako je želјa da se oslobode političkog zagrlјaja prisutna, podrška koja dolazi sa te strane predstavlјa makar kratkoročno garant njihove sigurnosti. Politički akteri u velikoj meri ovakav sistem razmene prihvataju kao datost i kada opisuju mehanizme njegovog funkcionisanja, oni ne dovode u pitanje sam sistem.",
publisher = "Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Clientelistic relations between political elite and entrepreneurs in Serbia, Klijentelistički odnosi između političke elite i preduzetnika u Srbiji",
pages = "238-220",
number = "2",
volume = "58",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1602220S"
}

Stanojević, D., Gundogan, D.,& Babović, M.. (2016). Clientelistic relations between political elite and entrepreneurs in Serbia. in Sociologija
Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije., 58(2), 220-238.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1602220S

Stanojević D, Gundogan D, Babović M. Clientelistic relations between political elite and entrepreneurs in Serbia. in Sociologija. 2016;58(2):220-238.
doi:10.2298/SOC1602220S .

Stanojević, Dragan, Gundogan, Dragana, Babović, Marija, "Clientelistic relations between political elite and entrepreneurs in Serbia" in Sociologija, 58, no. 2 (2016):220-238,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1602220S . .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
AU  - Babović, Marija
AU  - Gundogan, Dragana
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://ipir.ipisr.org.rs/handle/123456789/881
AB  - Dragan Stanojević, Marija Babović
and Dragana Gundogan widely describe actors,
mechanisms and exchanged resources in clientelistic networks in Serbia.
PB  - Belgrade : Secons
T2  - Informal power networks, political patronage and clientelism in Serbia and Kosovo
T2  - clientelism
T2  - informal power networks
T2  - political patronage
T2  - economic actors
T2  - Serbia
T1  - Actors, resources and mechanisms of clientelism in Serbia
EP  - 64
SP  - 44
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_881
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Stanojević, Dragan and Babović, Marija and Gundogan, Dragana",
year = "2016",
abstract = "Dragan Stanojević, Marija Babović
and Dragana Gundogan widely describe actors,
mechanisms and exchanged resources in clientelistic networks in Serbia.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Secons",
journal = "Informal power networks, political patronage and clientelism in Serbia and Kosovo, clientelism, informal power networks, political patronage, economic actors, Serbia",
booktitle = "Actors, resources and mechanisms of clientelism in Serbia",
pages = "64-44",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_881"
}

Stanojević, D., Babović, M.,& Gundogan, D.. (2016). Actors, resources and mechanisms of clientelism in Serbia. in Informal power networks, political patronage and clientelism in Serbia and Kosovo
Belgrade : Secons., 44-64.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_881

Stanojević D, Babović M, Gundogan D. Actors, resources and mechanisms of clientelism in Serbia. in Informal power networks, political patronage and clientelism in Serbia and Kosovo. 2016;:44-64.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_881 .

Stanojević, Dragan, Babović, Marija, Gundogan, Dragana, "Actors, resources and mechanisms of clientelism in Serbia" in Informal power networks, political patronage and clientelism in Serbia and Kosovo (2016):44-64,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_881 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Babović, Marija
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
AU  - Pešić, Jelena
AU  - Cvejić, Slobodan
AU  - Gundogan, Dragana
PY  - 2016
UR  - http://ipir.ipisr.org.rs/handle/123456789/882
AB  - In the fourth
chapter, Dragan Stanojević, Marija Babović
and Dragana Gundogan widely describe actors,
mechanisms and exchanged resources in clientelistic networks in Serbia.
PB  - Belgrade : Secons
T2  - Informal power networks, political patronage and clientelism in Serbia and Kosovo
T1  - Methodological considerations
EP  - 25
SP  - 23
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_882
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Babović, Marija and Stanojević, Dragan and Pešić, Jelena and Cvejić, Slobodan and Gundogan, Dragana",
year = "2016",
abstract = "In the fourth
chapter, Dragan Stanojević, Marija Babović
and Dragana Gundogan widely describe actors,
mechanisms and exchanged resources in clientelistic networks in Serbia.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Secons",
journal = "Informal power networks, political patronage and clientelism in Serbia and Kosovo",
booktitle = "Methodological considerations",
pages = "25-23",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_882"
}

Babović, M., Stanojević, D., Pešić, J., Cvejić, S.,& Gundogan, D.. (2016). Methodological considerations. in Informal power networks, political patronage and clientelism in Serbia and Kosovo
Belgrade : Secons., 23-25.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_882

Babović M, Stanojević D, Pešić J, Cvejić S, Gundogan D. Methodological considerations. in Informal power networks, political patronage and clientelism in Serbia and Kosovo. 2016;:23-25.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_882 .

Babović, Marija, Stanojević, Dragan, Pešić, Jelena, Cvejić, Slobodan, Gundogan, Dragana, "Methodological considerations" in Informal power networks, political patronage and clientelism in Serbia and Kosovo (2016):23-25,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_882 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Babović, Marija
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
AU  - Gundogan, Dragana
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://ipir.ipisr.org.rs/handle/123456789/880
AB  - The aim of this paper is to examine the crucial actors, resources and in-formal mechanisms of the party patronage within Serbia's political fir-ld. Taking into account that important parts of political and economic I-F.-- production are held beyond institutional channels, the goal is therefore to represent key informal power networks, channels and arrangements in Serbia between political and economic actors on the national level. A particular study had been conducted in Serbia over the past year, and consisted of 98 face-to-face semi-structured interviews with various ex¬perts, political and economic actors (i.e. people within high public ad¬ministrative positions, politically influential people, appointed members in public enterprises, executives/managers/owners in private compa¬nies). The theoretical framework was based on concepts developed as an alternative to the institutional approach, such as clientelism, informality and party patronage (Kitschelt, Wilkinson, 2007; Kitschelt, 2000; Helmke, Levitsky, 2004, Ledeneva, 1998, 2013). The results indicated that political parties are the key actors in shaping informal relations inside the politi¬cal arena. Political competition -and the necessity to provide funding for these organizations- represents a crucial factor for structuring informal, clientelistic relations and party patronage. Economic actors are, in most cases, adaptable to the rules and party requests which are -more or less-fixed. Furthermore, the results showed that the power networks consist of the party cadre and institutions, and are therefore representative of more exclusive and centralized systems. Although these systems are not monolithic, they do however have a parallel function with several inter¬est groups which consequently, leads to competitions and conflicts in- de (and among) politicalparties.
PB  - Belgrade : Secons, development inititative group
PB  - Belgrade : Institute for Sociological research, University of Belgrade
C3  - Informality in Central and South-Eastern Europe : Linkages between political and economic actors
T1  - The Main Characteristic and Mechanisms of Party Patronage in Serbia
EP  - 35
SP  - 35
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_880
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Babović, Marija and Stanojević, Dragan and Gundogan, Dragana",
year = "2015",
abstract = "The aim of this paper is to examine the crucial actors, resources and in-formal mechanisms of the party patronage within Serbia's political fir-ld. Taking into account that important parts of political and economic I-F.-- production are held beyond institutional channels, the goal is therefore to represent key informal power networks, channels and arrangements in Serbia between political and economic actors on the national level. A particular study had been conducted in Serbia over the past year, and consisted of 98 face-to-face semi-structured interviews with various ex¬perts, political and economic actors (i.e. people within high public ad¬ministrative positions, politically influential people, appointed members in public enterprises, executives/managers/owners in private compa¬nies). The theoretical framework was based on concepts developed as an alternative to the institutional approach, such as clientelism, informality and party patronage (Kitschelt, Wilkinson, 2007; Kitschelt, 2000; Helmke, Levitsky, 2004, Ledeneva, 1998, 2013). The results indicated that political parties are the key actors in shaping informal relations inside the politi¬cal arena. Political competition -and the necessity to provide funding for these organizations- represents a crucial factor for structuring informal, clientelistic relations and party patronage. Economic actors are, in most cases, adaptable to the rules and party requests which are -more or less-fixed. Furthermore, the results showed that the power networks consist of the party cadre and institutions, and are therefore representative of more exclusive and centralized systems. Although these systems are not monolithic, they do however have a parallel function with several inter¬est groups which consequently, leads to competitions and conflicts in- de (and among) politicalparties.",
publisher = "Belgrade : Secons, development inititative group, Belgrade : Institute for Sociological research, University of Belgrade",
journal = "Informality in Central and South-Eastern Europe : Linkages between political and economic actors",
title = "The Main Characteristic and Mechanisms of Party Patronage in Serbia",
pages = "35-35",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_880"
}

Babović, M., Stanojević, D.,& Gundogan, D.. (2015). The Main Characteristic and Mechanisms of Party Patronage in Serbia. in Informality in Central and South-Eastern Europe : Linkages between political and economic actors
Belgrade : Secons, development inititative group., 35-35.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_880

Babović M, Stanojević D, Gundogan D. The Main Characteristic and Mechanisms of Party Patronage in Serbia. in Informality in Central and South-Eastern Europe : Linkages between political and economic actors. 2015;:35-35.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_880 .

Babović, Marija, Stanojević, Dragan, Gundogan, Dragana, "The Main Characteristic and Mechanisms of Party Patronage in Serbia" in Informality in Central and South-Eastern Europe : Linkages between political and economic actors (2015):35-35,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_880 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
AU  - Stokanić, Dragana
PY  - 2015
UR  - http://ipir.ipisr.org.rs/handle/123456789/873
AB  - In the paper, we focus on one particular segment of informal practices within
political parties and that is how the issue of employment in the public sector
structures informal networks and actions within political parties. We consider
this mechanism as crucial for influencing the dynamics of everyday political
functioning in Serbia. Taking into account the unemployment rate in Serbia
and the belated and slow development of the private sector, which cannot
absorb the labor force, employment in the public sector is considered to be an
important resource. We will explore how political players create their strategies
in order to satisfy personal or collective interest, specifically, employment
in the public sector, “navigating between formal rules and informal norms”
(Ledeneva, 2001: 15). First, this article addresses the use and dominance of informal networks,
clientelism, and patronage in the political sphere (specifically, political parties)
within the post-socialist Serbian development of a democratic system. Second, we present models and mechanisms of informal institutions, networks,
and rules in political parties that are important for the employment of party
members in public administration. Third, we analyze the normative framework which follows these informal institutions and enables their creation
and reproduction.
PB  - Skopje : Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis”
T2  - Life for Tomorrow - Social Transformations in South-East Europe
T1  - The importance of clientelism and informal practices for employment among political party members after the 2000s in Serbia - an explorative enquiry
EP  - 238
SP  - 217
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_873
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Stanojević, Dragan and Stokanić, Dragana",
year = "2015",
abstract = "In the paper, we focus on one particular segment of informal practices within
political parties and that is how the issue of employment in the public sector
structures informal networks and actions within political parties. We consider
this mechanism as crucial for influencing the dynamics of everyday political
functioning in Serbia. Taking into account the unemployment rate in Serbia
and the belated and slow development of the private sector, which cannot
absorb the labor force, employment in the public sector is considered to be an
important resource. We will explore how political players create their strategies
in order to satisfy personal or collective interest, specifically, employment
in the public sector, “navigating between formal rules and informal norms”
(Ledeneva, 2001: 15). First, this article addresses the use and dominance of informal networks,
clientelism, and patronage in the political sphere (specifically, political parties)
within the post-socialist Serbian development of a democratic system. Second, we present models and mechanisms of informal institutions, networks,
and rules in political parties that are important for the employment of party
members in public administration. Third, we analyze the normative framework which follows these informal institutions and enables their creation
and reproduction.",
publisher = "Skopje : Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis”",
journal = "Life for Tomorrow - Social Transformations in South-East Europe",
booktitle = "The importance of clientelism and informal practices for employment among political party members after the 2000s in Serbia - an explorative enquiry",
pages = "238-217",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_873"
}

Stanojević, D.,& Stokanić, D.. (2015). The importance of clientelism and informal practices for employment among political party members after the 2000s in Serbia - an explorative enquiry. in Life for Tomorrow - Social Transformations in South-East Europe
Skopje : Institute for Democracy “Societas Civilis”., 217-238.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_873

Stanojević D, Stokanić D. The importance of clientelism and informal practices for employment among political party members after the 2000s in Serbia - an explorative enquiry. in Life for Tomorrow - Social Transformations in South-East Europe. 2015;:217-238.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_873 .

Stanojević, Dragan, Stokanić, Dragana, "The importance of clientelism and informal practices for employment among political party members after the 2000s in Serbia - an explorative enquiry" in Life for Tomorrow - Social Transformations in South-East Europe (2015):217-238,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_873 .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
AU  - Stokanić, Dragana
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://ipir.ipisr.org.rs/handle/123456789/887
AB  - The aim of this paper is to examine different opportunities of the youth to enter in the educational system and to obtain certain educational diploma. Precisely, our goal is to investigate the influence of parents' education on the education of their offsprings. This phenomenon of intergenerational educational mobilitywill be investigated comparing two periods:  the first one is the crisis of socialist system (1980-1991) and the second is period of post-socialist transformation in Serbia (1991-2010). Taking into consideration our aim, in this paper we will offer answers on three related questions:
1.	What are the characteristics of intergenerational educational mobility in two aforementioned periods?
2.	In what manner parents' education affect educational level of their children? (Has this factor had the same influence or it has changed during these three decades?)
3.	What are the other factors which affect unequal access to different educational levels as well as drop-out? What is the influence of class, gender, settlement, ethnicity etc.?

In order to explain the process of intergenerational mobility in Serbia, we will highlight two crucial groups of factors. The first group reflects the importance of macro/structural factors such as the rise of industrialization (the development of secondary and tertiary sector), urbanization, institutional policies, and expansion of educational system. The second group of factors stresses the effect of micro mechanisms (the individual and family level) on the educational achievements.
Investigating the first group of factors, we will focus on the rate and extant of education throughout of time (also the influence of structural factors will be taken into consideration). Furthermore, we will examine second group of factors shading a light on unequal access to education, achievements on different educational levels and different individual chances to   capitalize acquired cultural capital on the labor market. 

For explanation of intergenerational educational mobility and the possibilities for young people to obtain certain education, it is especially useful classification (Lazić and Cvejić, 2004: 46–47) of class relations and social mobility in Serbia in three phases:  1. Crisis of socialism, 2. Blocked post-socialist transformation and 3. Unblocked post-socialist transformation. The first phase began in the late 1970s and it is characterized by gradual class closure due to the stagnation of industrialization and the reach of certain limits of economic system. Blocked and unblocked post-socialist transformation brought new changes in intergenerational mobility rates. The period of blocked post-socialist transformation led to drastic pauperization and the rise of class polarization, due to embargo, the civil war in surrounding countries and lack of readiness for change in politics and economic spheres. Finally, in the last phase of unblocked, unhindered post-socialist transformation, we witnessed certain level of economic, political and social stabilization. 
For analysismicro mechanismsof educational reproduction, we will use cultural capital theory,based onunderstanding of social stratification presented in Bourdieu's work(1986). According to this author, the position of the one holds in stratification system depends significantly on cultural capital of the family of origin (together with other sorts of capital). The two crucial institutions for reproduction of social positions are educational system and family. Additionally, educational system is, from this standpoint, in favor for those families and their descendants who have high level of cultural capital. In other words, the key function of educational institutions is reproduction of class relations.  


For analysis we will use three methods: 1.Visual: self -reproduction and mobility rates (total and according to educational categories)using moving averages in ten years2.Odd-ratio based on five-year age cohortsand 3.linear regression model which is used to measure the influence ofparents' educational level onchildren’s education.

Inorder to get big sample we will merge databases from three researches and we will use them as one sample.  The first sample is fromresearch„Social structure and life quality“held in 1989 on theterritory of ex-Yugoslavia and we will extract sample from Serbia without Kosovo (N=3769).Thesecond sample is research in 2003 held in South East Europe(South-East European Social Survey Project - SEESSP), from which we will extract sample for Serbia(N=2709).Finally, the third sample is fromsurvey held by Institute for sociological research – „Structure and changes of social relations“from 2014 (N=1602). Total sample after merging all three databases is  N=8080.
PB  - Graz : Department of Sociology, University of Graz
C3  - 1989-2014: Twenty-five Years After. What has happened to the Societies in Central and Southeast Europe since the Fall of the Iron Curtain?
T1  - Intergenerational Educational Mobility of Youth in Serbia from 1980 to 2010
EP  - 36
SP  - 36
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_887
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Stanojević, Dragan and Stokanić, Dragana",
year = "2014",
abstract = "The aim of this paper is to examine different opportunities of the youth to enter in the educational system and to obtain certain educational diploma. Precisely, our goal is to investigate the influence of parents' education on the education of their offsprings. This phenomenon of intergenerational educational mobilitywill be investigated comparing two periods:  the first one is the crisis of socialist system (1980-1991) and the second is period of post-socialist transformation in Serbia (1991-2010). Taking into consideration our aim, in this paper we will offer answers on three related questions:
1.	What are the characteristics of intergenerational educational mobility in two aforementioned periods?
2.	In what manner parents' education affect educational level of their children? (Has this factor had the same influence or it has changed during these three decades?)
3.	What are the other factors which affect unequal access to different educational levels as well as drop-out? What is the influence of class, gender, settlement, ethnicity etc.?

In order to explain the process of intergenerational mobility in Serbia, we will highlight two crucial groups of factors. The first group reflects the importance of macro/structural factors such as the rise of industrialization (the development of secondary and tertiary sector), urbanization, institutional policies, and expansion of educational system. The second group of factors stresses the effect of micro mechanisms (the individual and family level) on the educational achievements.
Investigating the first group of factors, we will focus on the rate and extant of education throughout of time (also the influence of structural factors will be taken into consideration). Furthermore, we will examine second group of factors shading a light on unequal access to education, achievements on different educational levels and different individual chances to   capitalize acquired cultural capital on the labor market. 

For explanation of intergenerational educational mobility and the possibilities for young people to obtain certain education, it is especially useful classification (Lazić and Cvejić, 2004: 46–47) of class relations and social mobility in Serbia in three phases:  1. Crisis of socialism, 2. Blocked post-socialist transformation and 3. Unblocked post-socialist transformation. The first phase began in the late 1970s and it is characterized by gradual class closure due to the stagnation of industrialization and the reach of certain limits of economic system. Blocked and unblocked post-socialist transformation brought new changes in intergenerational mobility rates. The period of blocked post-socialist transformation led to drastic pauperization and the rise of class polarization, due to embargo, the civil war in surrounding countries and lack of readiness for change in politics and economic spheres. Finally, in the last phase of unblocked, unhindered post-socialist transformation, we witnessed certain level of economic, political and social stabilization. 
For analysismicro mechanismsof educational reproduction, we will use cultural capital theory,based onunderstanding of social stratification presented in Bourdieu's work(1986). According to this author, the position of the one holds in stratification system depends significantly on cultural capital of the family of origin (together with other sorts of capital). The two crucial institutions for reproduction of social positions are educational system and family. Additionally, educational system is, from this standpoint, in favor for those families and their descendants who have high level of cultural capital. In other words, the key function of educational institutions is reproduction of class relations.  


For analysis we will use three methods: 1.Visual: self -reproduction and mobility rates (total and according to educational categories)using moving averages in ten years2.Odd-ratio based on five-year age cohortsand 3.linear regression model which is used to measure the influence ofparents' educational level onchildren’s education.

Inorder to get big sample we will merge databases from three researches and we will use them as one sample.  The first sample is fromresearch„Social structure and life quality“held in 1989 on theterritory of ex-Yugoslavia and we will extract sample from Serbia without Kosovo (N=3769).Thesecond sample is research in 2003 held in South East Europe(South-East European Social Survey Project - SEESSP), from which we will extract sample for Serbia(N=2709).Finally, the third sample is fromsurvey held by Institute for sociological research – „Structure and changes of social relations“from 2014 (N=1602). Total sample after merging all three databases is  N=8080.",
publisher = "Graz : Department of Sociology, University of Graz",
journal = "1989-2014: Twenty-five Years After. What has happened to the Societies in Central and Southeast Europe since the Fall of the Iron Curtain?",
title = "Intergenerational Educational Mobility of Youth in Serbia from 1980 to 2010",
pages = "36-36",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_887"
}

Stanojević, D.,& Stokanić, D.. (2014). Intergenerational Educational Mobility of Youth in Serbia from 1980 to 2010. in 1989-2014: Twenty-five Years After. What has happened to the Societies in Central and Southeast Europe since the Fall of the Iron Curtain?
Graz : Department of Sociology, University of Graz., 36-36.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_887

Stanojević D, Stokanić D. Intergenerational Educational Mobility of Youth in Serbia from 1980 to 2010. in 1989-2014: Twenty-five Years After. What has happened to the Societies in Central and Southeast Europe since the Fall of the Iron Curtain?. 2014;:36-36.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_887 .

Stanojević, Dragan, Stokanić, Dragana, "Intergenerational Educational Mobility of Youth in Serbia from 1980 to 2010" in 1989-2014: Twenty-five Years After. What has happened to the Societies in Central and Southeast Europe since the Fall of the Iron Curtain? (2014):36-36,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_887 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
AU  - Stokanić, Dragana
PY  - 2014
UR  - http://ipir.ipisr.org.rs/handle/123456789/825
AB  - Jedan od bitnih preduslova društvene i političke participacije 
građana jeste njihovo međusobno i poverenje u institucije i organizacije civilnog 
društva. Da bi se izbeglo povećanje atomizacije individua i/ili prekomerno jačanje 
neformalnih mreža podrške, institucionalno organizivanje građana je neophodno, 
za šta je potreban izvestan stepen poverenja u institucionalne aranžmane. U radu će se koristiti često upotrebljavan koncept socijalnog kapitala kako bi se analizirao 
međuuticaj poverenja, društvenih normi i partcipacije. Što se tiče poverenja, u radu 
se pravi razlika između „generalizovanog” poverenja u javne institucije i „specifičnog” 
poverenja koje podrazumeva personalizovano poverenje u ljude. Ova situacija niskog 
poverenja u ljude i institucije koji se međusobno prepliću stvarajući generalnu 
atmosferu nepoverenja je prisutna u društvima post-socijalističke transformacije, 
kao što je Srbija.Kao prvo, rad ima za cilj da prikaže stepen participacije u 
različitim organizacija i stepen poverenja građana Srbije u političke institucije, 
kao i u ljude generalno. Zatim će se predstaviti prihvatanje građanskih normi koje 
izražavajuzajednički bazični vrednosni sistem. Kao drugo, analiziraće se u kojoj meri
formalne organizacije doprinose kreiranju poverenja i prihvatanja društvenih normi 
kao izraza univerzalističkih vrednosti neophodnih za bazični društveni konsenzus 
i solidarnost i u kakvoj su vezi poverenje u određene institucije i organizacije i 
prihvatanje građanskih normi. Kako bi se to postiglo u kvantitativnoj analizi će se 
koristiti baze podataka Svetskog istraživanja vrednosti (World Values Survey) petog talasa sprovedenog u periodu 2005–2007. godine.
AB  - The one of the key precondition of social and political participation of 
citizens is their interpersonal and institutional trust. In order to avoid the increase 
of individual atomization and/or excessively rise of informal support networks, 
institutional organizations are crucial. For that reason, it is necessary to exist certain 
level of trust in institutional arrangements. This paper will be focused on widely 
used concept of social capital for analysis of interaction between trust, social norms 
and participation. Concerning participation, in this paper the difference between 
“generalized” trust in public institutions and “specific”, personalized trust in people is 
explained. This situation of low trust in people and institutions which are interlinked 
and create general atmosphere of distrust is present in post-socialist societies, such 
as Serbia. Firstly, the aim of this paper is to show level of participation in different 
organizations and the trust of citizens of Serbia in political institutions, as well as 
trust in people in general. Additionally, the acceptance of civil norms will be presented. 
Secondly, it will be analyzed in what extant formal organizations contribute to the 
trust creation and the acceptance of social norms as forms of universal values which 
are necessary for basic social consensus and solidarity. Also, it will be presented the 
relation between trust in certain institutions and organizations and the acceptance of 
civil norms. In order to achieve these goals, it will be used quantitative analysis and 
databases World Values Survey, fifth wave conducted from 2005 to 2007.
PB  - Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije
T2  - Sociologija
T1  - Između Sicilije i lombardije odnos poverenja, građanskih normi i društvene participacije među građanima Srbije
T1  - Between Sicilia and Lombardy: relation between trust, civil  norms and social participation among citizens of Serbia
EP  - 200
IS  - 2
SP  - 181
VL  - LVI
DO  - 10.2298/SOC1402181S
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Stanojević, Dragan and Stokanić, Dragana",
year = "2014",
abstract = "Jedan od bitnih preduslova društvene i političke participacije 
građana jeste njihovo međusobno i poverenje u institucije i organizacije civilnog 
društva. Da bi se izbeglo povećanje atomizacije individua i/ili prekomerno jačanje 
neformalnih mreža podrške, institucionalno organizivanje građana je neophodno, 
za šta je potreban izvestan stepen poverenja u institucionalne aranžmane. U radu će se koristiti često upotrebljavan koncept socijalnog kapitala kako bi se analizirao 
međuuticaj poverenja, društvenih normi i partcipacije. Što se tiče poverenja, u radu 
se pravi razlika između „generalizovanog” poverenja u javne institucije i „specifičnog” 
poverenja koje podrazumeva personalizovano poverenje u ljude. Ova situacija niskog 
poverenja u ljude i institucije koji se međusobno prepliću stvarajući generalnu 
atmosferu nepoverenja je prisutna u društvima post-socijalističke transformacije, 
kao što je Srbija.Kao prvo, rad ima za cilj da prikaže stepen participacije u 
različitim organizacija i stepen poverenja građana Srbije u političke institucije, 
kao i u ljude generalno. Zatim će se predstaviti prihvatanje građanskih normi koje 
izražavajuzajednički bazični vrednosni sistem. Kao drugo, analiziraće se u kojoj meri
formalne organizacije doprinose kreiranju poverenja i prihvatanja društvenih normi 
kao izraza univerzalističkih vrednosti neophodnih za bazični društveni konsenzus 
i solidarnost i u kakvoj su vezi poverenje u određene institucije i organizacije i 
prihvatanje građanskih normi. Kako bi se to postiglo u kvantitativnoj analizi će se 
koristiti baze podataka Svetskog istraživanja vrednosti (World Values Survey) petog talasa sprovedenog u periodu 2005–2007. godine., The one of the key precondition of social and political participation of 
citizens is their interpersonal and institutional trust. In order to avoid the increase 
of individual atomization and/or excessively rise of informal support networks, 
institutional organizations are crucial. For that reason, it is necessary to exist certain 
level of trust in institutional arrangements. This paper will be focused on widely 
used concept of social capital for analysis of interaction between trust, social norms 
and participation. Concerning participation, in this paper the difference between 
“generalized” trust in public institutions and “specific”, personalized trust in people is 
explained. This situation of low trust in people and institutions which are interlinked 
and create general atmosphere of distrust is present in post-socialist societies, such 
as Serbia. Firstly, the aim of this paper is to show level of participation in different 
organizations and the trust of citizens of Serbia in political institutions, as well as 
trust in people in general. Additionally, the acceptance of civil norms will be presented. 
Secondly, it will be analyzed in what extant formal organizations contribute to the 
trust creation and the acceptance of social norms as forms of universal values which 
are necessary for basic social consensus and solidarity. Also, it will be presented the 
relation between trust in certain institutions and organizations and the acceptance of 
civil norms. In order to achieve these goals, it will be used quantitative analysis and 
databases World Values Survey, fifth wave conducted from 2005 to 2007.",
publisher = "Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije",
journal = "Sociologija",
title = "Između Sicilije i lombardije odnos poverenja, građanskih normi i društvene participacije među građanima Srbije, Between Sicilia and Lombardy: relation between trust, civil  norms and social participation among citizens of Serbia",
pages = "200-181",
number = "2",
volume = "LVI",
doi = "10.2298/SOC1402181S"
}

Stanojević, D.,& Stokanić, D.. (2014). Između Sicilije i lombardije odnos poverenja, građanskih normi i društvene participacije među građanima Srbije. in Sociologija
Beograd : Sociološko naučno društvo Srbije., LVI(2), 181-200.
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1402181S

Stanojević D, Stokanić D. Između Sicilije i lombardije odnos poverenja, građanskih normi i društvene participacije među građanima Srbije. in Sociologija. 2014;LVI(2):181-200.
doi:10.2298/SOC1402181S .

Stanojević, Dragan, Stokanić, Dragana, "Između Sicilije i lombardije odnos poverenja, građanskih normi i društvene participacije među građanima Srbije" in Sociologija, LVI, no. 2 (2014):181-200,
https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1402181S . .

TY  - CONF
AU  - Stokanić, Dragana
AU  - Stanojević, Dragan
PY  - 2013
UR  - http://ipir.ipisr.org.rs/handle/123456789/862
AB  - The aim of this paper is to contribute to the debate on the importance of informal connections between the politics and the economy in Serbia after the year 2000. The main idea which leads us is that there are obvious and numerous irregularities in individuals’ behaviors toward legally established rules and that unwritten rules and practices exist in the political field. Those informal prescriptions of actions are dictated by functional requirements of social system in which economic and political players act as rational actors in a specific context of the post socialist state. Furthermore, we will use qualitative approach in order to capture and explain individual
practices and institutions which political and economic officials create.
Particularly, we will conduct the in-depth interviews with middle-range politicians on the executive positions in the highest state institutions. The analysis will be based on interviews held from April to June 2013 and it will present two integrated levels of interactions between politics and the economy. Firstly, we will analyze the relations between the public institutions and the private capital. Especially, we will show how politicians use their positions in the public institutions to gain particular interest for their political parties. Secondly, we will investigate the process of monopolization of the positions in the public sector by the political parties which currently hold public resources. On the first level, it is shown that political parties are significantly financially dependent on the economic capital. These interactions are informal in a way that politicians gain financial support in order to provide privileged positions for their partners. On the other level, we consider the reality that political parties became the important channel for social mobility. Thus, it is crucial to understand the dynamics and functional conditionings and limitations between different structures in the political party. Taking into consideration that political parties depend greatly on loyalty of their members, it gives the possibility for middle and lower echelons to make a pressure on party leadership to infiltrate party members in the public institutions.
PB  - Fribourg : University of Fribourg
C3  - Informal practices and structures in Eastern Europe and Central Asia
T1  - Informal connections in political and economic spheres in Serbia
EP  - 53
SP  - 52
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_862
ER  - 

@conference{
author = "Stokanić, Dragana and Stanojević, Dragan",
year = "2013",
abstract = "The aim of this paper is to contribute to the debate on the importance of informal connections between the politics and the economy in Serbia after the year 2000. The main idea which leads us is that there are obvious and numerous irregularities in individuals’ behaviors toward legally established rules and that unwritten rules and practices exist in the political field. Those informal prescriptions of actions are dictated by functional requirements of social system in which economic and political players act as rational actors in a specific context of the post socialist state. Furthermore, we will use qualitative approach in order to capture and explain individual
practices and institutions which political and economic officials create.
Particularly, we will conduct the in-depth interviews with middle-range politicians on the executive positions in the highest state institutions. The analysis will be based on interviews held from April to June 2013 and it will present two integrated levels of interactions between politics and the economy. Firstly, we will analyze the relations between the public institutions and the private capital. Especially, we will show how politicians use their positions in the public institutions to gain particular interest for their political parties. Secondly, we will investigate the process of monopolization of the positions in the public sector by the political parties which currently hold public resources. On the first level, it is shown that political parties are significantly financially dependent on the economic capital. These interactions are informal in a way that politicians gain financial support in order to provide privileged positions for their partners. On the other level, we consider the reality that political parties became the important channel for social mobility. Thus, it is crucial to understand the dynamics and functional conditionings and limitations between different structures in the political party. Taking into consideration that political parties depend greatly on loyalty of their members, it gives the possibility for middle and lower echelons to make a pressure on party leadership to infiltrate party members in the public institutions.",
publisher = "Fribourg : University of Fribourg",
journal = "Informal practices and structures in Eastern Europe and Central Asia",
title = "Informal connections in political and economic spheres in Serbia",
pages = "53-52",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_862"
}

Stokanić, D.,& Stanojević, D.. (2013). Informal connections in political and economic spheres in Serbia. in Informal practices and structures in Eastern Europe and Central Asia
Fribourg : University of Fribourg., 52-53.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_862

Stokanić D, Stanojević D. Informal connections in political and economic spheres in Serbia. in Informal practices and structures in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. 2013;:52-53.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_862 .

Stokanić, Dragana, Stanojević, Dragan, "Informal connections in political and economic spheres in Serbia" in Informal practices and structures in Eastern Europe and Central Asia (2013):52-53,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_ipir_862 .